German Civil War – Harbinger of the Storm (5)

September 15, 1939 — Berlin, Northern Germany

"Give it to me... that."

Hitler trembled as he demanded medicine, and his doctor, Theodor Morell, handed him painkillers and Pervitin.

This was German-brand methamphetamine—known only in the future as the drug methamphetamine—but in this era, it was being abused without knowledge of its side effects.

Hitler struggled for a while even after taking it.

He hadn't opened his eyes for ten days after the attack on the Chancellery, and even awake, he remained in pain, constantly seeking medication.

"Is this really acceptable, Doctor? His Majesty the Führer—there must be some way!"

"The injury was severe, causing aftereffects. We still need time."

Goebbels glanced at Morell but kept quiet.

Nazi dignitaries considered Karl Brandt more reliable than Morell, but Hitler had dismissed him for opposing Morell's prescriptions, claiming they might provide short-term relief but would destroy the patient long-term.

"Are we losing?"

Hitler, having barely regained composure, asked incredulously, but Hermann Göring nodded with difficulty.

"They control western, southern, and central Germany, mein Führer. With the Ruhr occupied and confrontation continuing, our forces cannot maintain smooth supply lines."

In original history, during the Polish invasion, the German army faced ammunition depletion crisis in barely one month.

However, this civil war had surrendered the Ruhr—Germany's industrial core—from the start. Though many Wehrmacht units remained in Nazi territory, they couldn't operate properly without adequate supply.

"Moreover, the Poles maintain full mobilization orders while building defensive lines and deploying divisions on the border."

Nazi Germany had given Poland ample reaction time as civil war erupted.

The Polish army continued mobilizing, conducting the full deployment along the lengthy border shared with Germany, one that had been impossible in original history due to insufficient time and troops.

This was also why OKW couldn't protest Fedor von Bock's Army Group North essentially ignoring orders and sitting on the Eastern Front.

If Army Group North advanced, the Polish border would be left empty.

"Damn Wehrmacht bastards—they're traitors! All traitors!"

Now seeing his grand dream of reclaiming Danzig halted before his very own eyes while suffering near-death agony, Hitler was consumed by massive paranoia.

Except for Erwin Rommel, who'd risked his life saving him, and Reichenau, who'd responded first, Hitler suspected all Wehrmacht officers.

Most Wehrmacht units were actually watching the situation without supporting either side, remaining neutral because the Nazi side still had more troops, leaving the new government's prospects uncertain.

This was why the Nazi couldn't counterattack with SS troops defending Berlin or rescue Paul Hausser from the training camp, despite defeating General Lutz's forces while enemy strength remained inferior.

If even one group of Nazi loyalist troops were destroyed during an attack, no one knew when the remaining Wehrmacht units might switch sides.

"Even the people say they support them, not us...?"

At Hitler's words, Goebbels nodded sadly.

Goebbels was clearly an agitation pioneer possessing demonic talents, but he'd never experienced this type of public opinion battle.

Even in this era's democracies, people and public opinion were viewed merely as objects of control. Using the people themselves as public opinion warfare means had never occurred to him.

No matter how great Goebbels was, he couldn't stop all revelations by masses of ordinary citizens. It was much worse when those revelations were true, accompanied by shocking real-life photographs.

For the Nazi Party—which had led the nation through lies and incitement, instigating victimization and hatred—being driven to become the source of victim consciousness was something unimaginable, and uncombatable.

Additionally, Dietrich Schacht, the new goverment's spokesperson, engaged in refutation and exposure warfare that accurately attacked Goebbels's agitation techniques as if thoroughly understanding him.

Dietrich Schacht knew much about Paul Joseph Goebbels, the master agitator so famous in modern times, but Dietrich Schacht remained completely unknown to Goebbels.

This asymmetry gave even the era's most capable orator a sense of defeat.

Hitler couldn't speak seeing Goebbels's remorseful expression.

Their only hope was for the Führer—once commanding absolute popular support—to appear publicly, but this carried grave risks.

Sick with drugs and pain, struggling to recover—what if he appeared on radio in such a condition and people turned away? What then?

The driving force behind Nazis was public victimization awareness and fanatical support based on patriotism. Could they overcome this while being driven to become the source of victim consciousness?

After being shot, Germany—controlled throughout his political life—was slipping from his grasp, his hands and feet tied. Hitler felt like he was experiencing a nightmare.

"A-ask Mussolini for help."

Finally, Hitler turned to Italy, led by Duce Mussolini, the fascist pioneer.

September 16, 1939 — Rome, Capital of Italy

"Our mustachioed friend seems quite desperate."

Benito Mussolini, a stocky man with heavy features, smiled as he spoke.

Unlike Japan—still only Germany's ally through the Anti-Comintern Pact—Italy was Germany's ally in name due to the Steel Pact signed May 22, 1939.

However, Italian Duce Mussolini was quite satisfied with Hitler's misfortune.

He was deeply jealous of Hitler developing Germany into a powerhouse drawing European attention while Italy struggled with Ethiopian War aftereffects.

Indeed, he was the original fascist—Hitler merely a latecomer.

"That's what happens when you don't manage internally and expand too much."

Foreign Minister Count Ciano and Chief of Staff Badoglio exchanged glances and sighed.

"What will you do, Duce?"

Mussolini's answer to his foreign minister and son-in-law's question was concise.

"Of course I must help. We're allies. The reward is... hmm. Wouldn't Austria be appropriate?"

"What? Would those obsessed with German nationalism accept that?"

Mussolini burst out laughing at Ciano's question.

"What? Hahaha! Was there ever such a thing as ethnicity and race? Could such things exist? There is no such thing. What matters is the state and people living in its territory."

Mussolini smiled as he continued.

"If they don't like it, we'll hang them from gallows. After all, there's no alliance obligation to them, having roamed all over Europe."

Though he hadn't spoken or acted against his allies, Mussolini considered Austria—dominated by fascists from the beginning—his own territory.

That's why in 1934 he'd prevented Hitler's Austrian annexation attempts, even threatening war.

Though forced to ally with Hitler after diplomatic isolation following Ethiopia's invasion and League of Nations withdrawal, no need existed to protect loyalty if the alliance became crippled.

"But Duce, they're in civil war now. If we intervene, it might give Britain or France an excuse to intervene."

Count Ciano's point was valid, but Mussolini grimaced.

"Bah, Britain, France! Dirty conspirators holding Italy's ankles at every turn!"

Mussolini's contempt for Britain and France ran deep.

Italy had shed considerable blood in the last World War, albeit belatedly, but as victors received only fractions of promised rewards: South Tyrol and the Istrian Peninsula.

Based on Italy's contribution—intervening mid-war, fighting well against Austria-Hungary but losing consecutively to German forces—Italians felt Britain and France had robbed them of compensation worthy of their bloodshed.

"It would have been much easier if those stupid French fools had taken our hand!"

Mussolini hadn't remained idle during German civil war.

Germany's new government, rising openly with fascism-eradication banners, also alarmed him, so Mussolini reached out to France.

His proposal: Italy and France would join hands while Germany lost focus, with Italy occupying Austria and France occupying the Rhine's west bank.

But France rejected the offer. From the start, both countries had poor relations due to Mediterranean conflicts, but Mussolini's recent actions were largely responsible.

Diplomatically isolated through Ethiopian invasion and League withdrawal, he'd joined hands with Hitler—overtly supporting him during Munich and forcibly annexing Albania.

For France, allying with him risked making Britain an enemy.

Fighting Germany—in civil war against fascists—hand-in-hand with a different fascist was too unpalatable for France, noisy over fascist atrocities during the recent Spanish Civil War.

"Unfortunately, Duce, our military hasn't recovered losses from the last Ethiopian invasion and Spanish Civil War."

Marshal Pietro Badoglio, Italian army chief of staff who'd remained silent, stepped forward.

"I dare say our military's current situation makes victory difficult to guarantee in any European war..."

"What do you mean, Marshal! Without our Italian steel army, could Spain have won its civil war?!"

The old marshal fell silent at Mussolini's rage.

The military had fallen under Mussolini's influence after his predecessor, Emilio De Bono, was dismissed for sluggish Ethiopian invasion performance, with Mussolini also serving as Minister of War.

"But I believe, Duce, that Italy isn't yet ready for war."

Though Mussolini seemed slightly concerned by his son-in-law's words, his conclusion was decided.

"However, the new German government cannot be left alone. Aren't they those advocating eradication of fascism as their banner? It's a good chance to help our ally, and this is a great opportunity to bring fascist leadership back from Germany to Italy!"

German-Italian relations hadn't been very good not long ago. In original history, Axis powers lacked blood-alliance trust between nations.

Mussolini had been forced to watch and allow German expansion.

He didn't want to miss this opportunity to overturn Hitler's guarantee relinquishing sovereignty over South Tyrol (originally southern Austrian territory).

Why shouldn't all Austria—not just South Tyrol—be Italian territory? Unlike Hitler, he wasn't interested in nationalism or racial purity.

After all, Austrian fascists would be happier under the glory of great old Rome that Italy would rebuild.

Though worried about British and French intervention, it was too delicious a prize to abandon.

However, unexpected tragedy struck Mussolini as he thought pleasantly.

"Urgent!"

Mussolini, receiving a telegram with puzzled expression from a hurrying aide, crumpled it after reading.

"Damn it! How could that anachronistic authoritarian sabotage such things!"

September 17, 1939 — Frankfurt, 9th Military District

"Extra! Extra!"

Fresh hot newspapers flew around Frankfurt.

[POPE SUPPORTS NEW GOVERNMENT! ADOLF HITLER IS CATHOLICISM'S ENEMY!]

[GOD'S JUSTICE IS WITH THE NEW GOVERNMENT!]

Foreign Minister Ernst von Weizsäcker had wrestled two weeks since civil war's start to make this happen, but somehow managed it.

Like most Black Orchestra members, they maintained fairly high religious authority, having constant contact with the Pope throughout original history.

However, Pope Pius XII hadn't rushed to support either side, seeing splits between Nazi government Vatican Ambassador Diego von Bergen and our side's Weizsäcker.

So obsessed with authority he could be called the last authoritarian Pope, he didn't want to do anything that would damage papal dignity by prematurely supporting one side.

But I knew things people of this era didn't yet know.

When I advised the Foreign Ministry about rumors of a nun the Pope trusted and favored greatly, they tried my suggestion skeptically—and it succeeded remarkably.

Instead of asking the Pope for support directly, we reached out to Pascalina Lehnert, currently just a regular secretary nun.

She was absolutely trusted by Pius XII and possessed similar authoritarian tendencies. Later, as a nun, she would take over Vatican affairs on Pius XII's behalf—a magnate who would be known with great prestige as the Vatican's "Pope in skirts."

We emphasized reality that the church in Bavaria—where she was born and raised, and where Pius XII had served as bishop—was degenerating into Aryan religion under Nazi Party oppression.

The new government would liberate the church from Nazi regime's Catholic oppression, and Vatican support was directly related to rising church authority.

Though partly because he'd already been sufficiently informed about Nazi evil deeds and enjoyed international public opinion and popular support, Pius XII gave us official supporting statements, pretending not to surrender while having sufficient cause and persuasion from his trusted nun.

The Nazis couldn't respond properly and tried ignoring it, but their agitation was obvious.

After civil war's outbreak, the Holy See was first to support the new government, and religion's influence in this era couldn't be ignored.

Particularly in Austria—which we hadn't secured yet due to strong Bavarian and Nazi parties there—Catholic proportions were very high.

Additionally, Italy—a fascist ally of the Nazi regime—was also Catholic, being the Holy See's headquarters.

By gaining papal support, we'd shaken Nazi foundations and greatly undermined Italy's cause for helping them.

Since we'd already received support, we could now shake up even North German Protestants by actively promoting Confessing Church Protestant leaders we'd been nurturing.

Sorry to the Pope who'd supported us, but since Protestants seemed supportive too, there was no way he'd damage his authority by withdrawing support—no problem there.

Abwehr agents eventually confirmed Hitler's survival.

But Nazi hands and feet were already almost completely tied.

"Now let's look forward to seeing what kind of grand finale Hitler can produce."

Two years and seven months after falling into Dietrich Schacht's body, Nazi collapse was approaching.