Interwar Period – Widerstand (5)

April 5th. Italy devoured the small nation of Albania, but this was overshadowed by Nazi Germany, which had drawn all of Europe's ire.

Britain and France warned they would not tolerate any further territorial ambitions, pressuring Germany through various means including trade sanctions and warnings, but Hitler's response was extremely concise.

On April 28th, Hitler rescinded the German-Polish non-aggression pact, signed to resolve the trade war with Poland, and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement, which Britain had conceded to Germany despite criticism from France and Italy.

Hitler's message that he would do anything to secure Danzig was clear. Simultaneously, the Soviet Union dismissed Maxim Litvinov, who had served as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, and appointed Vyacheslav Molotov.

As soon as summer arrived, Hitler began pressuring Poland to either hand over Danzig or choose war.

However, Poland had no intention of surrendering its only territory leading to the coast, especially as a country that had participated in dismembering Czechoslovakia—a strategic ally—to plunder a small territory like Teschen.

July 10, 1939, Berlin, Germany

The Black Orchestra reunited with former Army Chief of Staff Ludwig Beck and Dr. Goerdeler.

In the original timeline, they had reunited too late, and before they could prepare or accomplish anything, they missed their opportunity as the invasions of Poland and France proceeded.

"While Hitler's adventurism poses great danger to Germany, he has succeeded in everything so far. Perhaps we can achieve success with Danzig this time as well—maybe it's worth the risk..."

At this gathering of important figures, Ludwig Beck made another indecisive remark. This man was truly...

"With respect, the situation is different this time, Herr General. Britain and France had begrudinglu agreed to sacrifice the Sudetenland for peace, but when Hitler annexed Czechoslovakia, Germany's diplomatic credibility collapsed completely."

When I spoke this, no one restrained me or questioned my audacity. As a key operative of the resistance while the high-ranking officers had withdrawn, I was no longer just "a mere captain."

The financial contributions from my father Hjalmar Schacht, Count Moltke, and the wealthy Silesians had significantly supported the operations the Abwehr had been conducting.

Rear Admiral Canaris had not forgotten this contribution, and his protection—as the sole remaining leader willing to support the resistance—guaranteed me a clear voice.

"But reclaiming Danzig and the Polish Corridor is the aspiration of all Germans, not just Hitler, Captain. The chance to regain them is right before us, yet there's a risk we'll face strong opposition."

General Erwin von Witzleben's point was reasonable. Whether fascist, democrat, social democrat, or even communist, Germans now wanted to reclaim Danzig and the Polish Corridor.

"Of course, Herr General. But are we prepared to go to war with Britain and France to take back Danzig? The Siegfried Line will prove inadequate against the French."

Hitler's instructions to establish invasion plans for Poland, issued in January, had been delayed somewhat due to desperate military opposition, but concrete offensive plans had begun taking shape in April.

The Siegfried Line was a defensive fortification built on the Western Front to defend against any possible French invasion.

General Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, who actually commanded Army Group C on the Siegfried Line, had warned Hitler that if France invaded, it would collapse within three days. When Hitler boasted it would last three years, Leeb could only shake his head.

In the original timeline, during the Polish invasion, France was famous for the "Phoney War"—sitting along the Maginot Line without fighting Germany. In reality, however, the French army had advanced into the Saarland and engaged Army Group C on the Siegfried Line.

At that time, Army Group C was unilaterally beaten and pushed back, unable to resist properly in their overwhelmingly inferior position. Although Hitler had ordered them not to engage the French, it wasn't a force capable of stopping them anyway.

If the French leadership, frightened by the sudden collapse of the Polish front, had not ordered a retreat to defend only the Maginot Line, even the Ruhr Industrial Zone might have been occupied immediately.

"If Hitler truly wanted to regain the Danzig Corridor without war with Britain and France, he should have prioritized Danzig instead of the Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia first."

In that case, Poland would likely have succumbed to pressure from Britain and France when Nazi Germany demanded concession of Danzig Bay and extraterritorial railroad rights.

It would have been difficult for Poland to refuse such a treaty, given their history of territorial expansion and filthy pride and ambition throughout the interwar period, most recently the plunder of Teschen.

Hitler's demands were actually quite reasonable and acceptable, but the Munich Agreement hadn't succeeded because Czechoslovakia deserved it.

Poland was a country so opposed to cooperation with the Soviet Union that even in this situation, Britain and the USSR were competing with proposals for a common front against Germany.

Before the Munich Agreement and Czech annexation destroyed Germany's credibility, Britain and France might have bought peace by sacrificing Danzig as they had with the Sudetenland.

"Now Britain and France have nowhere to retreat. It's already been proven that peace cannot be bought by sacrificing fighting allies, and their elections are approaching. They'll be willing to send young men to the front lines if maintaining peace can no longer preserve their positions."

The British general election was scheduled for November 1939.

Even Neville Chamberlain, who had tried to prevent war despite accusations of betrayal from the West, ultimately chose war because he realized the Conservative Party's position would collapse if he continued being pushed around by Germany.

At this point, no one could have predicted that France would wage a phoney war along the Maginot Line and be defeated in six weeks.

Therefore, Britain and France could boldly declare war, while the German army feared engaging them.

The high-ranking members of the Black Orchestra remained indecisive, but now they knew we weren't dependent on them alone.

After all, plan execution was almost entirely handled by myself, Leutnant Colonel Oster, and Leutnant Colonel Tresckow, with support from the Abwehr and forces I had recruited.

"Do you have a plan?"

Finally, Beck's question came. Once we reached this point, we were halfway there. I yielded my position to Leutnant Colonel Oster and stepped back as he laid out the operational map on the table.

"This is the operational plan for the Polish invasion. It's not finalized yet, but they're probably filling in details already. Hitler has placed generals loyal to him, or at least not clearly opposed to him, in the Polish invasion forces, while placing those who weren't on the Siegfried Line—the Western Front."

While Beck and the generals nodded, Oster continued his explanation, pointing to the map.

"The commander of Army Group C, stationed on the Western Front's Siegfried Line, is General Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb. He harbors significant dissatisfaction with Hitler and the Nazis, and we should be able to convince him. If we succeed, we'll also secure Army Group C headquarters in Frankfurt."

He was a hardline monarchist who didn't suit Nazi tastes and had been dismissed during the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair.

Now he'd been promoted to general, recalled, and assigned to Army Group C—essentially a disposal unit meant to buy time against France.

Having told Hitler the Siegfried Line would last only three days, it wasn't difficult to predict his current level of dissatisfaction.

Furthermore, Frankfurt was a major rail transport hub and metropolis in central Germany, home to the Frankfurter Zeitung press company headquarters, which would promote our agenda. During civil war, it would serve as the new government's temporary capital.

"The 1st Army under Army Group C is General Witzleben's unit. I believe the general can secure the Saarland."

"I can control my troops, but the Nazi commander of XXIV Corps, Walter Kuntze, presents a problem and must be dealt with appropriately."

Witzleben, who had been most active among high-ranking generals during our last operation, again offered strong support.

"Friedrich Dollmann of the 7th Army in Stuttgart is an ardent Nazi and cannot be swayed. We plan to arrest him on the day of action and appoint Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, former Commander-in-Chief of the Reichswehr, who was removed for opposing Hitler."

The high-ranking generals murmured among themselves.

"That means... Colonel Oster, you want to start a civil war? It sounds like your plan is to completely take over western Germany."

"We will attempt to assassinate Hitler. Count Axel von dem Bussche will handle this as planned during the Sudetenland crisis. However..."

Receiving Oster's glance, I stepped forward.

"Unfortunately, thanks to the Munich Agreement, German public support for Hitler and the Nazis is higher than ever. Even if the assassination succeeds, as long as Nazi public support remains strong, we will never truly be able to create a new regime."

The high-ranking officers coughed uncomfortably, but for me, this was the most honest assessment possible. Damn these men...

"So we can't simply gamble everything on Hitler's assassination. We need time to regain popular support, and securing a stronghold for that is inevitable."

The high-ranking generals chattered and exchanged opinions among themselves, but I was confident.

The plan had been prepared over several months with Leutnant Colonels Oster and Tresckow, examining the Polish invasion plan's front-line deployment, corps formation, and potential commander recruitment.

After all, there was no more plausible plan in the minds of those who had kept their distance while Hitler succeeded, only now arriving hastily.

"...But the troops deployed on the Siegfried Line are absurdly inadequate compared to the Eastern Front. Starting a civil war against the Nazis with that alone seems too reckless..."

"General Fedor von Bock of Army Group North and General Gerd von Rundstedt of Army Group South—both commanders are monarchists. If we handle this correctly, not all Eastern Front troops will remain loyal to Hitler. And there are additional forces."

Beck remained silent at Leutnant Colonel Oster's words, but Dr. Goerdeler questioned further.

"Additional forces?"

This was the part I had prepared.

"Beyond the regular army, forces will include anti-Nazi civilian volunteers. Most have completed military service, so while front-line deployment may be excessive, second-line deployment is feasible."

"Civilians... What about their armaments?"

The reluctant reaction was evident, but... it wasn't as if they had the ability to convince regular troops immediately, right?

"Their weapons will be purchased from Spain, which is selling off abundant arms now that their civil war has ended, and we plan to transport them through the Netherlands. The budget is already secured."

During the Spanish Civil War, it was the Abwehr that first contacted Franco. Rear Admiral Canaris, a hardline anti-communist, had persuaded Hitler to deploy the Condor Legion in the Spanish Civil War.

Franco preferred Canaris, who had established long-term cooperative relationships, over Hitler, who had exploited everything in the original timeline.

The Abwehr branch in Spain was often used to contact Britain and work secretly to prevent Spain from joining the Axis powers.

After the civil war ended, the Spanish Abwehr branch contacted Franco, who was struggling with widespread firearms that only worsened Spanish security, and negotiated their purchase at lower prices.

Of course, the quantity was so huge that even lower prices ballooned, but the Abwehr budget was no longer limited, supported by wealthy individuals like my father and Count Moltke.

"The problem is justification. Only with proper cause can the Eastern Front Army support us. When we initiate civil war, can we win public opinion without being accused as traitors?"

Beck had finally asked the most crucial question.

"...The most important aspect. Therefore, the timing of action will be set by the Nazis, not us."

In the end, top-level approval was secured. The problem was the urgent need for someone who could transform the coup plan—currently just a rough outline—into a credible military operational plan in short order.

And I was meeting the right person.

Leutnant General Erich von Manstein, famous as one of the Wehrmacht's finest minds, lit what appeared to be an expensive cigar and exhaled smoke.

Leutnant Colonel Tresckow did likewise—this aristocrat was also quite famous for his sharp tongue...

"So... Captain Schacht. A young prospect protected by the Army Commander-in-Chief and the Luftwaffe—what brings you to me, someone who's been demoted and cast aside?"

Manstein asked with aristocratic sarcasm, despite his demotion.

Oh, I really didn't like this man. His ability was unquestionable, but from a human standpoint, he wasn't someone I'd particularly enjoy knowing.

"The general is being modest. Everyone agrees that there's no staff officer comparable to you in the Wehrmacht. I've long held you in high regard."

Such flattery flows like oil when one practices it regularly. Leutnant General Manstein snorted, drew on his cigar again, and spoke.

"Model, that inflexible academic, recommended you, so I assumed you were of the same type, but you speak like a politician, don't you?"

"Political soldiers are criticized for neglecting their primary duties while pursuing political careers, but it's admirable when someone of incomparable ability like the general also possesses such capabilities."

At this point, even Manstein laughed.

"Well, your rhetorical skills aren't bad. So... what do you need, Captain?"

This was the crucial part.

The historical Manstein had refused to join the Black Orchestra, saying "Prussian field marshals do not mutiny," but he had created his own alibi on the day of action and hadn't informed on them.

"The general is caught up in political battles between the military and the Nazis, unfairly unable to spread his wings. The position General Halder now occupies rightfully belongs to General Manstein."

Having been deprived of the Chief of Staff position that should have been his, Manstein despised Franz Halder—quite intensely.

As the Polish invasion approached, Franz Halder had again tried to rejoin the Black Orchestra but was rejected by Director (of the Abwehr) Canaris following strong protests from Leutnant Colonel Oster and myself.

Manstein drew on his cigar but didn't give me an answer.

"Germany is plunged into chaos by Hitler and the Nazi regime's subjugation of the military and overly risky war provocations, General. We want to correct this before Hitler places Germany in further danger."

"Hmm. Do you know that I spoke at the Führer's birthday celebration this year, praising him as the leader sent by God to save Germany?"

"I know. But you didn't mean it, General."

He was extremely career-oriented and had outwardly praised Hitler because he believed being favorable to Hitler would aid his advancement.

But essentially a traditional Prussian Junker, he hated Hitler and the Nazis. Hitler knew this and blatantly despised Manstein, employing him only reluctantly due to his undeniable abilities.

He lacked political or strategic perspective or interest in why, with whom, or for what Germany was fighting. He simply wanted opportunities to demonstrate his skills and advance up in the ranks.

His statement "Prussian field marshals do not mutiny" when refusing Black Orchestra demands in the original timeline was based on current circumstances—but now, with his frustration and hatred for Halder at full force, there was a possibility.

"The Nazi regime has suppressed and will continue to suppress Prussian Junkers like yourself. Simply because others far inferior to you better suit Nazi tastes, they'll become your superiors and weigh even more heavily on you and traditional Prussian soldiers."

At the time of the French invasion, Manstein had captured France in six weeks with the brilliant Sichelschnitt operation and quickly became a household name, but no one could predict such things now.

The operation's adoption and execution had occurred through dramatic coincidence, so even I couldn't guarantee whether it would be possible in this situation where several factors had changed due to my intervention.

Though Manstein smoked his cigar, he didn't deny my words.

When Ludwig Beck was Chief of Staff, he'd had the highest possibility of being the next Chief of Staff, but due to feuding with Halder, who became Chief of Staff instead, he'd been relegated to positions far beneath his abilities until drafting Operation Sichelschnitt.

"As a traditional Prussian soldier, there are many like-minded individuals. If the general joins us, the new army Chief of Staff position will be yours."

Please, I prayed silently. After a period of contemplative silence, Manstein finally spoke.

"...I've desperately wanted a chance to give that bastard Halder his comeuppance. I'd like to hear more details."

Ah, that's tantamount to agreement, General Manstein.