Interwar Period – Widerstand (6)

The coup plan was proceeding smoothly. The recruits we selected had been carefully identified over several months, even referencing my knowledge of original history, so most joined readily.

Until the very end, Manstein maintained an opportunistic attitude—he would remain chief of staff of Army Group South, his original assignment, on the day of action.

After all, we simply needed Manstein to properly plan our operations with his brilliant strategic mind. As in original history, there were many tactically competent generals in the German army to execute planned operations.

He was irreplaceable because he could devise optimal offensive plans by positioning those generals and troops correctly.

His opportunistic nature was annoying, but if Manstein succeeded in bringing even part of Army Group South to the resistance, that would be beneficial.

The problem was my mentor, Walter Model. I knew his phenomenal abilities and felt personally grateful to him, so I wanted to convince him if possible.

However, he was extremely wary of military intervention in politics and habitually maintained that loyalty to state and regime was a soldier's virtue.

Moreover, he remained a Major-General following his recent demotion. Fortunately, thanks to Brauchitsch's protection, he'd been appointed chief of staff of IV Corps under Army Group South—

Black Orchestra members judged that approaching Model, who had little possibility of turning, would only increase the risk of premature exposure, given Manstein's already secured chief of staff role.

Though he shunned politics, they were also wary of his close relationship with Army Commander-in-Chief Brauchitsch, now classified as pro-Nazi after disappointing the Black Orchestra several times.

At this point, no one knew he would later display greater abilities than even Manstein as a field commander, establishing himself as one of World War II's greatest defensive generals.

In Germany just before the war's end, he had defended the homeland until the bitter end in desperate circumstances—forced to hold overwhelming enemies at the front while dealing with SS threats to execute officers charged with rebellion from behind—and ultimately, blaming himself for fighting for a criminal regime, committed suicide.

At this point, only I knew who he truly was. But there was no way to convince the Black Orchestra leadership.

In fact, even I didn't think Model would readily agree, so I had to abandon attempts to convince him.

I didn't want to fight him if possible, but that was mere hope given his superior Brauchitsch, whom he trusted and followed.

Would he lament fighting for the Nazi regime and criminal government in this timeline as well?

...Would he forgive me? I didn't know.

July 22, 1939, Hjalmar Schacht's mansion, Berlin, Germany

In original history, only six weeks remained until World War II's outbreak.

In my father's mansion, which had again become a hideout for resistance operatives, all key planners had gathered.

Myself, Leutnant Colonel Oster—Deputy Director of Abwehr and key initiator—and Leutnant Colonel Tresckow, who had introduced me to the resistance and continued helping after the Munich Agreement.

Also Erich Kordt, European Director at the Foreign Ministry. Finally, Claudia, our liaison at the Frankfurter Zeitung.

"Captain Schacht, Ribbentrop is seriously considering German-Soviet cooperation."

At Foreign Ministry European Director Erich Kordt's words, I had an intuitive feeling that the moment was approaching. The resistance's coup preparations were nearly complete.

Unlike the Sudetenland crisis, when preparation time was too short, my position was much stronger now, and while Black Orchestra leadership stayed away from active resistance, rapid progress was possible among working operatives.

Warnings and pressure from France and Britain increased daily. On July 17th, when Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov issued a statement that military agreements must be considered at the Anglo-Soviet summit, the crisis sense that invading Poland might lead to broader war intensified.

The problem was the non-aggression pact.

Once that agreement was signed, the German people and military would be reassured there would be no Soviet war, caught up in Hitler's rhetoric that Britain and France wouldn't intervene in a Polish invasion.

It had to be stopped by any means possible.

"Ribbentrop sees Litvinov's dismissal in April—a Jew being replaced by Molotov—as a gesture of appeasement. They interpreted the July 17th statement as proof that British and French responses weren't favorable."

Looking at it this way, while Ribbentrop might lack diplomatic experience or etiquette, he possessed surprisingly sharp instincts.

Soviet Foreign Minister Litvinov's dismissal wasn't specifically an appeasement gesture toward Germany—it was simply Stalin installing yes-man Molotov in place of Litvinov, who maintained independent judgment.

Conversely, Ribbentrop had correctly identified what the Soviet statement calling for military agreements meant regarding Anglo-Soviet talks. As soon as Molotov became Foreign Minister, he'd tried containing Germany by realizing the trilateral alliance Litvinov had envisioned.

However, Britain and France didn't trust the communist state openly advocating world revolution. When their ally Poland insisted cooperation with the Soviet Union was absolutely impossible due to historical hostility, the USSR reacted bitterly to the extended hand.

The Soviet statement of July 17th testified to that anxiety. The general German public and military, unaware of diplomatic nuances, were deeply concerned about possible Soviet participation in war if Poland was invaded based on that statement.

Instead, they were making Stalin—greatly disappointed by them—choose non-aggression despite ideological hostility.

"German-Soviet cooperation must never be realized. German public and military opinion is being undermined by war fears to the maximum extent."

"Captain Schacht, I'm sorry to raise this now, but if we could join hands with the Soviet Union to attack Poland, wouldn't it be possible to reclaim Danzig and the Corridor that Germany has longed for? Those cowardly British and French wouldn't declare war without Soviet backing..."

It was Leutnant Colonel Tresckow who disputed my words while smoking. Yes, this was the problem. If a non-aggression agreement was signed, most German citizens and military personnel would think this way.

"Britain and France will declare war unconditionally, Colonel."

Tresckow raised his eyebrows at my words but waited for explanation.

"It's not because Germany appears stronger than Britain and France, who were humiliated during the Sudetenland crisis Munich Agreement. Initially, it was because avoiding war favored voters."

The Munich Agreement is criticized as the worst agreement in history—Chamberlain capitulating to Hitler's bluff—but the British Prime Minister wasn't that foolish.

While they overestimated German military power and wanted to avoid war before rearmament completion, Britain and France didn't seriously believe war with Germany during the Sudetenland crisis would result in defeat.

As politicians in democracies sensitive to public opinion, they simply wanted to avoid war.

They didn't want the political risk of fighting another world war just twenty years later, shedding countless young lives, so they thought avoiding war—even by sacrificing a weak ally—was more profitable.

Humans who had suffered "the war to end all wars" (expressing World War I's horrors), even national leaders, swallowed the Sudetenland concession.

Hitler had promised no more territorial claims with his own hands, but it was impossible to predict he'd be such a dishonest man, breaking promises in less than six months.

"Second, because the Third Reich is clearly an anti-communist nation. They wanted to appease us and use us as a check against the Soviet Union, even if it increased our national strength somewhat."

This meant Stalin's suspicions weren't entirely false, seeing British and French passivity in Anglo-Soviet talks. Wasn't the idea of two powerful dictatorships competing and mutually destroying each other after exhaustive war too tempting for those wanting to avoid conflict?

"However, if we join hands with the Soviet Union, they will no longer ignore our growth—electorally and strategically. But there's no way the Soviet Union will help us in a war against Britain and France. Isn't that right, Director Kordt?"

Director Kordt considered my question momentarily before answering.

"From the standpoint of overseeing European diplomacy, Captain Schacht's assessment is quite reasonable. I'd like to know what makes you so certain, but regarding Ribbentrop pursuing Soviet cooperation—I didn't even expect that... Captain might be better than me at this. Haha..."

"No, Director. I'm always receiving help from you."

Knowing only what I'd seen in the modern world, it pained my conscience slightly to say such things...

"Captain Schacht, I understand that, as you said, we must prevent German-Soviet cooperation. Hitler's popularity, heightened since the Munich Agreement, was just beginning to shake due to war threats—that must not be in vain. But how do you intend to stop it?"

Leutnant Colonel Oster's question was something I'd pondered extensively. The non-aggression pact. How could I stop it?

Using Abwehr to create division between Germany and the Soviet Union was impossible—Abwehr was already planning a coup and expending enormous energy covering the process.

Moreover, Soviet intelligence at this time was extremely competent. Even British and French intelligence agencies were being outmaneuvered—the risk of any misstep was too great.

Ultimately, no matter how much I considered it, there was only one answer.

"Has Ribbentrop communicated Soviet cooperation plans to Hitler?"

"As usual, he left work after congratulating himself on a sudden brilliant idea. It's before any concrete plans... I'm not certain, but it doesn't seem so yet."

Even trying to think if this was truly the only way, there was no time. Delaying now meant World War II would break out—and that would be the end.

From this point forward, it would be completely different from original history, so historical knowledge was meaningless. It would truly test my strength and that of the resistance.

"...Eliminating Ribbentrop."

Fortunately, the non-aggression pact was actually Ribbentrop's one-man show. No one in the Nazi regime—a fascist government based on anti-communism—imagined partitioning Poland in partnership with the Soviet Union, the foremost communist nation.

As a former champagne salesman turned diplomat with zero practical skills, Ribbentrop might have conceived an unconventional idea unbound by ideology or diplomatic conventions.

Most Foreign Ministry figures—like Deputy Foreign Minister Weizsäcker and European Director Erich Kordt—were on our side, so without Ribbentrop, we could somehow prevent non-aggression.

"It's too dangerous, Captain. The main event is already close—maximizing Nazi alertness here would be..."

Oster's concerns were justified. Actually, I hadn't wanted to proceed this way either, but...

"We'll try disguising it as much as possible as Jewish hate crimes or Red Orchestra activities. If the people and military are reassured by coming this far, the opportunity for major action before war will disappear forever."

"Leadership won't agree. I trust you, but honestly, I feel you're overreacting..."

I had to bite my lip at Leutnant Colonel Tresckow's reluctant remarks. Damn, how could I convince them with knowledge only I possessed?

"Your concerns and diplomatic assessments are reasonable in my opinion. But I'd have to agree with Leutnant Colonel Tresckow that leadership won't consent. Even if we force it, we'd have to handle it ourselves—but who would take such risks?"

The answer to Leutnant Colonel Oster's words was decided. Even those who had trusted and followed each other until now reacted this way—there was no way top leadership would listen and approve.

"I will."

"No, you can't."

But I encountered opposition from Leutnant Colonel Oster, who feared I would do it.

"Whether Ribbentrop's elimination succeeds or fails, the executor must flee abroad or elsewhere. There are limits to Abwehr's cover-up capabilities. So you can't be the key person in the plan."

Damn, I couldn't either. Having a coup before the non-aggression agreement was signed meant insufficient justification. I had to stop it somehow, but there was no way.

"I'll do it. I've worked as a reporter covering the Foreign Ministry for a long time, so I'm familiar with Ribbentrop, and it's easy to approach him with fewer suspicions."

It was Claudia who stepped forward when we were stuck.

"Wait, Claudia."

"What? Reporter Jung, thank you for your determination, but this isn't something civilians can do."

Despite the alarmed protests from myself and Oster, Claudia continued speaking with unwavering eyes.

"My father, Edgar Julius Jung, was secretary to former Chancellor Franz von Papen, who handed power to Hitler. Papen gained attention when he gave an anti-Hitler speech at Marburg University."

The Marburg Speech. Franz von Papen, who delivered an outright anti-Hitler speech in 1934 before Hitler became Führer, drew attention in Britain and France. Hitler and Goebbels, enraged, tried preventing the speech's publication but failed.

"I helped my father write that speech. I'd just entered university and was full of youthful fantasies, not knowing what consequences would follow... Two weeks later came the Night of the Long Knives."

I sensed something terrible was coming. For most people living in the modern world, an event unrelated to World War II wouldn't matter much.

"As the Nazis dealt with the SA leadership, they also eliminated any irritating enemies. But Franz von Papen was already a politician in the British and French spotlight, so instead they killed my father—who wrote the speech—as a warning."

But it was the most important event in her life, living in this era.

"I just wrote a speech. I had to hide in a closet and watch my father being beaten and taken away by the SS... Do you know what a body dumped in a river looks like?"

This was why she'd continued showing interest in our work and willingly accepted my offer despite life-threatening risks.

"The police pretended not to know, and the pastor who'd pretended to be my father's friend—more faithful than anyone—said he'd been punished for disobeying the Savior God had sent."

It was the first time I'd seen her—always relaxed and confident—trembling with tears in her eyes.

"I'm not central to the plan, and I was officially dismissed from the Frankfurter Zeitung when I first contacted you. Leadership is already involved, so there's no problem if I help without being there. Having worked with social democrats, it's perfect for disguising as a Red Orchestra terrorist attack."

How long had she been waiting for such an opportunity? I found myself taking her hand.

I didn't want her doing anything that would put her in danger. She clasped my hand, but contrary to my wishes, continued speaking.

"...Gentlemen, I'm not an outsider. I have reason to hate them."

She wasn't some princess protected from the beginning. Myself, Oster, and Tresckow—none of us could say anything looking into her eyes.

"So if something must be done, leave it to me. Let me do my part in bringing down those damned murderers."