German Civil War – Shadow of Versailles (2)

September 27, 1939 — Winston Churchill's Home, London

Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, alias "The British Bulldog."

At the embassy, half the opinion was that it wouldn't matter if we didn't meet.

Currently Winston Churchill was neither Prime Minister nor anything else—just an ordinary Conservative MP, a politician who'd become obsolete by slaughtering British troops at Gallipoli.

On the other hand, though I was only in my twenties, I was nominally the second person in the new German government, here for diplomatic negotiations, so I didn't have to go just because an MP summoned me.

But I still accepted the invitation.

I was half interested in someone who belonged to an era's icons, and half intended to keep an eye on him in case he became Prime Minister according to original history.

Under current circumstances, it seemed unlikely that Chamberlain's staunch faction within the Conservative Party would fall sharply, but history was unpredictable.

Right now, I'd worried Mussolini would attack during civil war, so I'd prepared by recruiting the Pope and negotiating with Britain and France, but I hadn't known they'd attack immediately.

"Welcome, Deputy Minister Schacht. Thank you for accepting the invitation."

Churchill, who looked more like a mafia boss than a politician, greeted me with a cigar in his mouth.

Though in his mid-sixties, he gave the opposite impression of Chamberlain—a powerless old man.

"Thank you for inviting me like this, Mr. Churchill."

Churchill seemed quite satisfied when I was appropriately polite. He smiled generously, not befitting his intimidating appearance, and offered me a seat.

"Sit down—since a precious guest is coming, I had the kitchen prepare with great effort."

"Then thank you."

It was British food, so I wasn't expecting much. Still, compared to the wealthy Schacht family, Churchill was truly from a well-established British aristocratic family.

Of course, there were servants in the house, and the cooks must have been skilled, so it would be fine.

Churchill had invited me to lunch and naturally had whiskey and brandy ready.

"Would you like a drink?"

"Well, I'll gladly accept the kindness."

If history had continued, Churchill should have been Secretary of the Navy by now. As Churchill had predicted, Chamberlain made him Secretary of the Navy when World War II broke out.

However, World War II hadn't yet begun, and Churchill never became Secretary of the Navy. He was just an MP.

"Oh my, forgive me."

Churchill spoke like an old man—no, he was an old man. Anyway, I filled my glass myself and began eating while drinking.

He'd summoned me but said nothing, just immersed himself in the meal. Having nothing else to do, I started eating—

Huh? Was it delicious?

The vegetables didn't have the soggy texture typical of British cuisine, and the grilled bacon, sausage, and roasted beans topped with sauce were flawless.

Never thinking I'd come to England and have a delicious meal, I ate for a while then looked up to find Churchill drinking whiskey and watching me.

My goodness, I was startled.

Churchill observed me quietly then spoke.

"Is the food to your taste?"

"Yes, it's excellent. The best I've had since coming to England."

Honestly, if they could do this well, I wondered why British cuisine had such a bad reputation. Of course, since he was a wealthy aristocrat, the story would differ from ordinary people.

"Haha, I'll be sure to tell the kitchen that the Deputy Minister praised them."

Churchill replied, setting down his drink and instead taking his cigar to his mouth for a deep draw. He wouldn't shut up.

Finally, losing to the old man's composure, I spoke first.

"May I hear the reason the MP asked to meet me?"

Churchill took another draw from his cigar and grinned.

"Why did the Deputy Minister accept the invitation?"

I'd like to know what he was going to say, but was he certain Churchill would invite someone from the new government's perspective?

If it was Churchill who was skilled at politics, I thought he might have felt like taking a stab in the dark.

In that case, the mere fact that I—a high-ranking member of the new government—had responded to his invitation as an MP might be useful.

"You've been aware of Hitler's dangers from the very beginning."

Regarding the Munich Agreement, he'd famously said: "Britain and France had to choose between dishonor and war. They have chosen dishonor, and they will have war."

At that time, British politics had vehemently criticized Churchill, but by now Hitler's warlike intentions toward Poland would have been proven, as Hitler's breach of the Munich Agreement wasn't enough.

Nevertheless, as civil war had broken out in Germany because of my intervention, Churchill was treated far below what he'd received in original history.

"As a member of the new government that stood up to face Hitler's dangers and madness within Germany, I think it's natural to be interested in the MP."

As someone with memories of Korea suffering as a Japanese colony, I personally didn't like him as a hardline imperialist.

But simultaneously, seeing a man who would have been an era's hero in original history face a different fate because of my intervention felt subtle.

In Korea, when we laughed at Churchill's foolish military incompetence during World War II through historical study, in this era Churchill's presence felt through the skin was starkly different.

If I'd been in his position without knowledge of the future, would I have been able to cry out for war against Nazi Germany, which had conquered all Europe and driven all British forces into Dunkirk?

Churchill stared at me at my words, set down his cigar, took another sip of whiskey, and spoke.

"I was very impressed with the Deputy Minister's public opinion campaign."

In hindsight, though overshadowed by Goebbels, Churchill was also an orator who'd delivered all kinds of famous speeches and rallied people's fighting spirit.

"The method of winning the masses' hearts was similar to the Nazis', but different."

It must have looked like this to people of this era. The tools I'd used might be partly similar to those of the Nazis.

"Is that so?"

Churchill lit his cigar and said,

"I was somewhat worried that another dictator might emerge from Germany's crisis."

"As I've already stated at the meeting, the current wartime cabinet is only transitional, Mr. Churchill. We're aiming for democracy."

He grinned at my words.

"Hitler also came to power saying he chose peace over war. I don't believe what comes from mouths, but what I see with my eyes."

"If so, how do you view our new government?"

Churchill took another slow sip of whiskey and spoke.

"Seeing the Deputy Minister reminds me of my youth."

Instead of answering about the new government, he gave a different answer. Winston Churchill had been British Navy Secretary during World War I, so he'd been in his thirties.

Actively using propaganda for the public, Winston Churchill—no one else—thinking of me as resembling his younger self when seeing me ascend to senior position at young age.

Something felt bitter. In original history, the man who would be considered Britain's greatest Prime Minister, looking at others and reminiscing about his youth, felt like an aging man.

"Is that so? Then, in response to the invitation, I'll answer your questions and raise your presence in British politics."

"Hahahaha!"

Winston Churchill chuckled and asked, wiping tears with his hand.

"So, is there a reward you seek?"

"I'm not such a thief. It will also be a good story for you, an MP."

It wasn't something I'd originally planned, but Winston Churchill—an anti-Nazi symbol in Britain—had the right role.

September 28, 1939 — Cordula's Home, London

"Come now, Dietrich. Long time no see."

"It's been a while, sister."

My sister Cordula, eight years my senior, greeted me politely, looked at me with a subtle expression, and spoke.

"When I heard you were spokesperson for the new German government and Deputy Finance Minister, I thought it was the end of the world."

"Hahaha..."

Dietrich Schacht had been somewhat frivolous. Born as the youngest son in a well-off family, the world must have seemed easy.

Even before Dietrich Schacht had volunteered for the Condor Legion and gone to Spain, my sister—who'd been living in England—still remembered me as the foolish Dietrich Schacht.

"It's a gift."

I handed her Eiswein from the Mosel (wine made from frozen grapes in western Germany) that I'd brought from Germany.

"Oh my, I heard you've really matured. Well, thank you."

Thanks to Dietrich for remembering that my sister liked alcohol, especially wine. It was one of the few things I was grateful for in inheriting this body.

There'd been no contact from Spain until now, and when first asked to meet the godfather, she'd acted coldly, but upon receiving the gift, she quickly became kind.

"The godfather has arrived first. Come here."

"Thank you, sister."

As my sister guided me, I was greeted by an elderly gentleman around seventy with a handsome white beard and fedora hat.

"Oh, Dietrich. It's been a long time. How is your father?"

Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman. He had a close relationship with my father and, as my nephew's godfather, I had memories of meeting him when young.

"Long time no see. Father is still busy. Now is a very hectic time."

Still a workaholic from whom not a drop of blood would come even if pricked with a needle.

I answered with a light hug, and he responded with a gentle smile like a kindly old man.

"Haha, that's good. When I heard he'd been dismissed as Finance Minister, I was very saddened, but now he's Prime Minister of the new government..."

Norman smiled and looked at me for a while, then erased his gentle expression and asked seriously.

"So am I receiving not the son of a close friend, but the new government's Deputy Finance Minister?"

"Yes, Governor of the Bank of England."

Norman grinned at my words, sat down, and corrected his tone.

"Well then, we'll have to see if it's worth this old man's busy time coming here, Deputy Minister."

"Yes, Governor. As you might expect, the new German government wants Britain to formally recognize Wilhelm III's accession and withdraw the ultimatum. To that end, I want you and British-German cooperation organizations to exert influence in Parliament."

Though Montagu Norman didn't give the feeling of being as stern and strict as my father, Hjalmar Schacht, he was also a Bank for International Settlements (BIS) member, a major player in international finance and representative of the British business world.

It was unavoidable to be somewhat nervous while speaking.

"Hmm, I thought you'd ask to see me for such purpose. But as you know, this meeting was France's version. Britain has no ill will toward the new German government, so it would be better if France kept quiet."

"Of course, if that were possible, convincing France would be a direct solution, but from the new government's position, it's nearly impossible."

After all, what France wanted was to prove again that France had an edge over Germany in this negotiation. It was absurd—they'd been dragged around by Hitler until recently, yet came out strong against the new government, weakened by civil war.

They wouldn't forget nostalgia for days when they'd shaken Germany with the Treaty of Versailles and destroyed the German economy by forcibly occupying the Ruhr. They wouldn't make compromises other than surrender with an opponent showing no consideration for Germany's position.

"Hmm, but France has been Britain's ally since the last war. Though I'm personally close with the new government's Prime Minister, as a patriot and businessman, I cannot support Germany by overlooking things if there's no benefit."

That said, British public opinion about Germany had been quite good until Hitler broke the Munich Agreement.

Particularly, Montagu Norman had been friendly to Germany, even pressuring French Ruhr occupation as a key British figure in the Treaty of Versailles aftermath.

Even after Hitler annexed Czechoslovakia, he'd helped transfer gold from the Czechoslovak central bank to the German central bank, so this was likely just diplomatic positioning.

"Of course I think so. I didn't come empty-handed either. Would you like to look?"

So if it was a story beneficial to him and Britain, he'd be able to move.

Montagu Norman took the materials I handed over, looked briefly, then chuckled.

"This is substantial. There's a lot here."

What we'd prepared was documentation compiling details of all corruption that Nazis and corporations had committed under Nazi Germany.

This was data we'd requested and researched from Abwehr before the Munich Agreement.

Originally collected as insurance to be used for public opinion only if we'd failed to secure evidence about actual Buchenwald camp conditions during the coup, it was now used differently.

Nazi Germany's defeat by the Soviet Union wasn't only due to basic numerical differences and American support, but also because Nazi administration was extremely corrupt and inefficient.

Additionally, those Nazis had meddled in all kinds of businesses, with corporations committing illegal acts hoping to curry favor with Nazis.

After all, there'd been no problem when the law-controlling Nazis were in charge, but when the new government won civil war, the story would be different.

We planned to completely seize assets of the most serious or Nazi-aligned companies.

Partly to offset Mefo bonds even slightly, but we didn't intend to spare companies that had actively cooperated with Nazis through illegal activities.

"As you can see, after civil war ends, there'll be major corporate changes in all fields. But we can't nationalize everything, so we're planning to sell some."

"Indeed..."

Though corporate nationalization had advantages from the state's viewpoint, it was only for core corporations or public goods with great state influence like military affairs.

For other companies, administrative power would be easily wasted, and if distributed entirely to domestic companies, there'd be limits to what they could handle.

"We plan to revitalize German-British economic cooperation, neglected due to Hitler, and as a start, we'd like to sell some companies that will be confiscated in Germany at appropriate prices. If we're pursuing liberal democracy initially, wouldn't that apply to economic exchanges as well?"

"That's right—my mouth is watering."

This wasn't only beneficial to British entrepreneurs but also attracted their capital to Germany.

The fact that advanced countries in the 21st century enjoyed prolonged peace was a proposal inspired by economic interdependence playing a significant role.

When governments declared war on countries where they operated, businessmen were more enthusiastic than anyone in opposing it with practical influence.

"Of course, to enjoy benefits the new government will offer, the German civil war must end as quickly and smoothly as possible."

If civil war intensified and became prolonged, with nothing left to return to Britain, it would be money wasted.

Norman laughed heartily.

"I understand the intent, but the bait is too sweet to refuse."

"Isn't it natural to focus on mutually beneficial rather than mutually harmful things?"

When Germany invaded Czechoslovakia during the Munich Agreement, France was obligated to participate in war, but Britain wasn't.

Consequently, France—dragged around by Britain—made guarantees that Britain would be obligated to participate in war during the Munich Agreement.

It was natural for France, which would be directly beaten by Germany if Britain didn't participate, but it must have been a measure the British, who didn't want war, disliked entirely.

France was urgent about this imperial accession case, but hadn't Britain brought Britain along as if it were common interest?

Initially, Britain and France weren't a blood alliance existing for hundreds of years. Rather, they were closer to historical rivals.

Britain had tried to ally with France from World War I until now because they had a strong common enemy: Germany.

"Haha, you're right. You're truly Hjalmar's son."

"Thank you."

We shook hands with smiles.

If your once-familiar alliance had become an annoying burden with fading common understanding, there was no reason not to switch to sweeter fruit.

France, which had acted short-sightedly because it was desperate, would have to pay a high price for it.